The
questions of peasants, agriculture and the rural in China today have aggravated
to a point of crisis though official economic figures seemed to fare well. In
2000, the state revenue had rapidly increased, with the rate of increase being
three times that of economic growth, and Premier Zhu Rongji reported that the
per capita net income of the rural population was 2,253 yuan, a real increase
of 2.1% over the preceding year. He also reported that the average annual
increase in the last five years was 4.7%. However, there appear to be many
discrepancies with reports by experts and researchers, as well as the fact that
there has been a drop in the cultivated area, output and prices.
According
to the statistics announced by the State Statistics Bureau, grain output for
2000 decreased by 9% as compared to 1999. The direct factor for this was a 5.3%
decrease in the cultivated area. 2000 was the first year since 1949 when the
cultivated area was smallest, dropping to below the warning level of 110
million hectares. The Statistics Bureau estimated that there would be a further
decrease in 2001 of 1.7% of the cultivated land, which means cultivated land
will drop to 107 million hectares.
The
main reason for the severe reduction of farmland is because peasants find farming
unprofitable under the many heavy tariffs. Farmland has been abandoned. The Wen
Wei Po in Hong Kong reported on February 19 that even in some key farming areas
in the Dongting Lake area, which has traditionally been endowed with fertile
land and good harvests, large areas of good land have been abandoned in recent
years. In Nan County, up to September 2000, only 50% of land has been
re-contracted by peasants. In some villages, over 70% of farmland has been
abandoned. Peasants pointed out directly that they did so in order to avoid
having to shoulder heavy agricultural and rural tariffs.
These
problems have drawn the concern of many experts in the PRC. Below are excerpts
taken from an essay written by the scholar Lu Xueyi, entitled “Finding
a way out of the urban-rural segregation, and two policies for one country”.[1] He said, the purchasing power of rural
residents had been on the decrease for several years despite good harvests
since 1996. After the winter of 1996, peasants had experienced difficulties in
selling grain and cotton, and after the summer of 1999, in selling almost all
major agricultural products. The per capita income from growing grain had
dropped by over 300 yuan in 1999 as compared to 1996. In 1996, per capita
income of peasants from growing cotton was 68.07 yuan, but it dropped to 36.68
yuan in 1999. Yet, income from grain and cotton made up the major income of
agricultural products, especially in central and western regions. Within three
years from 1997 to 1999, the prices of grain and cotton had dropped by 30-40%.
During
the same period, rural industries were also experiencing difficulties, and
about 40% were in a state of production stagnation or semi-stagnation. At the
same time, peasants working in urban areas were being laid off as restrictions
were imposed on the employment of rural workers to ease the unemployment of the
urban folk. In 1995, it was estimated that rural workers amounted to 80
million, and in 1999, it was estimated at 60 million. If on average a rural
worker’s
net annual income in the cities was 2,000 yuan, it meant a decrease of 60
billion yuan of cash income for the countryside in a year.
Another
scholar Wen Tiejun, when answering questions from the journalists in an article
“Resolving
the three rural issues by integrated reform”, pointed out that the
problem of inflation of rural organizations had been prevalent. He said that in
the early 1980s, a township would pay the wages of 8 cadres. By mid 80s, the
establishment increased to about 30 people. Now, the usual number was 300. In
some advanced regions, the towns would have an establishment of 800-1000. But
in recent years, the rural economy ran badly, more rural industries had gone
bankrupt, and the townships and villages were burdened with heavy debts.
According to a survey of the Ministry of Agriculture in 1997 on ten provinces,
the average debt of a township was 4 million yuan, and a village 200,000 yuan.
Now, some townships had a heavy debt of 40 million yuan. This meant much of the
brunt would be borne by peasants, and usury would be flagrant.
This
is the reason for the continued exploitation of peasants despite repeated
orders and decrees from the central government on alleviating the burdens on
peasants.
The
poverty in the countryside may be seen in the deterioration of rural education.
Outbreaks of protests have taken place by parents and pupils against the heavy
fees. For example, on February 11, 2001, in Xiantao Town, Chaoyang County,
Guangdong Province, about 800 primary school pupils took to the street,
attacked the government building, and burnt the furniture and files in a
protest against the levying of supplementary fees in education.[2]
A
tragedy which broke out in Fanglin Village, Wanzai County, Jiangxi Province
reveals the plight in the rural scene. An explosion took place in a primary
school in the village on March 6, 2001, reportedly killing 41 teachers and
pupils, and injuring 27. Wen Wei Po reported that the school had the pupils
work on fireworks in order to earn money for the school. 50 kilograms of
saltpeter was reported to be stored in the school, material for making the
fireworks. According to Sing Tao Daily News, a person from the management of a
fireworks factory said that it was a prevalent practice for rural schools or
households to be producing fireworks or firecrackers in violation of safety
regulations. With annual income from farming amounting to only about 1,000
yuan, the income from working on fireworks would be 5-6 yuan a day. On the day
of explosion in the Fanglin school, two classes of primary three pupils were
working on the fuse of the fireworks. It was mandatory for pupils to do such
work, or else they would have to pay a penalty of 2 yuan a day. The government
later denied that the primary school was engaged in the processing work of
fireworks, and attributed the incident to the sabotage of a lunatic Li Chuicai.
However, some German journalists interviewed Li’s former classmates
who said that Li was a worker responsible for transporting the saltpeter and
fireworks between the factory and the school. He also died in the explosion.[3]
There
has been more voicing of dissent and criticism of the policies on peasants,
agriculture and the rural, and some come from within the government and the
Party. However, some of those that have made their criticisms have encountered
revenge and blows. One example is Li Changping, a township party secretary who
petitioned the central government on these issues, but due to his
outspokenness, he was forced to resign in September 2000, after which he found
a job in Shenzhen. Yet, his popularity can be seen in his being elected by
about 30,000 votes on the internet and letters by the Nanfang Zhoumo Newspaper
as the Man of the Year, as hope and conscience of China. His case indicates the
public opinion against bureaucratic control and privileges, and in sympathy for
the plight of the peasants.
March
20, 2001